Analysing improvised protest spaces provides insights into political contexts and the ways publics mobilise.

For Dr Yao-Tai Li, documenting protest walls in 2019 Hong Kong was a matter of both self-preservation and enabling collective memory. These improvised spaces of dissent, known as Lennon walls, house image- and text-based materials posted by the public.

The first Lennon wall appeared in the Czech Republic after John Lennon’s murder in 1980. An unknown artist painted a mural of the English musician and activist in Prague’s Maltese Gardens.

More and more people expanded on it over time, protesting diverse local and global causes. It came to represent freedom of expression in the then-communist country and the subsequent walls it inspired.

“Lennon walls play a unique role in communicating social movements and mobilising publics. We’ve seen this in Beijing, Prague, Berlin, Hong Kong, Lebanon, Iraq, Taiwan, and many other places,” says Dr Li from UNSW’s School of Social Sciences.

“They’re quite different from marches, occupation, petitions or other forms of protest. The creators can leave the space and the space itself has its own identity. Even after it’s taken down, people can walk past and still remember it.”

They can be adapted across diverse local contexts and used to gain international media attention, he says.

“Their complex language of symbols and spatial practices offer insights into the relationship between activists, their claims and their government or institutional targets that are not evident in other protest performances.”

Dr Li examines contentious politics in Hong Kong through urban sociology, cultural politics, global networks, data activism and other perspectives. His research on Hong Kong protest walls was recognised at the 25th Human Rights Press Awards, the 45th Golden Tripod Awards for Publication, and Google News’s Sigma Awards for Data Journalism.

This kind of political activism can be traced back as early as the French Revolution when the public pasted brochures and marked public spaces with forms of graffiti, the senior lecturer in sociology and social policy says.

Lennon walls began to emerge in Hong Kong in response to proposed amendments to the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance. The bill sought to allow the extradition of criminal suspects – or anyone deemed of questionable political loyaltyto any jurisdiction, including to mainland China.

More than two million people took to the streets to demonstrate against the bill and the subsequent National Security Law. It was the largest series of protests in Hong Kong history.

Contemporaneously, Lennon walls began to spring up across Hong Kong’s 18 districts: vibrant co-authored spaces plastered with satirical posters, chalk drawings, origami pigs, post-it notes, political flyers, graffiti and other ephemera in response to the political climate.

The walls enabled people without access to social media, such as older generations, to keep up to date with protest schedules and express political sentiment.

“They provided pen and paper to promote community participation, and it was anonymous. You could quickly drop a line to support the movement – ‘Let's go, Hong Kongers!’, ‘Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times!’ – and that decreased the political risk.”

Many felt the extradition bill and the National Security Law undermined the autonomy of Hong Kong’s judicial system and the “One country, two systems” constitutional principle upon which China’s governance of the region is grounded, Dr Li says. The principle allows Hong Kong to maintain separate economic, legal and social systems.

The National Security Law defined crimes of secession, subversion and collusion with foreign forces in broad terms.

“Students went on protests, boycotted class or brought the protests into the classrooms saying there was no use in studying … we need real-world impact.

“That kind of anxiety about Hong Kong’s future made not just students, but academics doubt the meaning of doing research, of working in the university – the Ivory Tower. That kind of anxiety meant you couldn’t just focus on your daily routine.”

Dr Li began documenting this viral protest sentiment on his commute to campus, inspired by the speed the walls were updated and removed. It was part coping mechanism, part desire to preserve these resources for researchers, activists and community organisers, he says.

“These Lennon walls appeared – not just near major metro stations, underpasses or bridges, but everywhere, even in restaurants. The protests integrated with everyday life, and they were updated every day.

“There were diversities of form – Lennon buses and Lennon people wearing post-it notes – integrating COVID-related discourse, for example, the government not providing enough masks, and [content from] movies and other cultural appropriations,” he says.

“They also posted on the floors, [so that people would step on] images of politicians’ faces ... All these symbolic gestures differentiated these Lennon walls from those of the past and gave them local nuance.”

Less than a year later, after the National Security Law passed, all the physical Lennon Walls would be gone. “They just painted all those walls in harmonious colours as if nothing had happened,” Dr Li says.

“For those who experienced the protests, they knew this wasn’t real, but for the younger generation … they may just receive the government rhetoric.”

Analysing image versus text-based sentiment

From June 2019 until mid 2020, Dr Li and his research assistants travelled daily to each district – districts are loosely divided on political ideology – to photograph and transcribe additions to the walls.

Dr Li’s approach stood apart from contemporary research focused on online discourses. Digital museums began reaching out to engage with the research to showcase this localised cultural protest for audiences outside Hong Kong.

The research mapped patterns across ideology – there was surprisingly little pro-government sentiment – but also examined text versus image content which had not previously been explored. They looked at how frequent targets were represented.

For example, policemen were often depicted as robots or as sexually aggressive and Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam was framed as a puppet or a criminal.

“Protesters could be shown at times as brave warriors or as victims … or romanticising their identity, shown on the front line with their supporters behind them: Hong Kong nurses, the whole of the community regardless of age or background.

“Text-based content focused more on positive motivating messages, echoing political slogans and of course, some cursing of policemen and politicians.” By contrast, image-based content displayed more negative emotions, such as anger or hatred. 

Lennon Wall in Shatin District. Photo: Supplied.

Examining online and offline mobilisation

While the 2014 Umbrella movement had been predominantly youth and student-led, the 2019 political contributors came from a broad demographic, Dr Li says. “There was a lot of online and offline collaboration and assembly.

“[Some groups] had [systems for the] division of labour: who would post the materials and when; when the Lennon walls were taken down, which team was responsible for re-making them.

“They tried to protect the walls [as the government took a more stringent approach and its supporters became more active in the walls’ removal]. All these narratives were happening on the internet.

“At times, the conflict around differences of opinions manifested as physical fighting at the walls.”

When the walls were dismantled, Dr Li began incorporating and comparing materials posted on digital archives. “Lots of archives are documented and shared on Facebook and Instagram.

“These crowd-sourced efforts also included sympathisers from overseas who posted images of these flyers next to the Statue of Liberty or the Eiffel Tower, the Sydney Opera House and so on.”

The movement also promoted a political consumerism, integrating with GPS and other digital/social platforms. Businesses were marked yellow, associated with pro-democracy, or blue, aligned to the government, enabling citizens to support or boycott according to their political persuasion.

The research captures the broad reach of the movement, the diversity of actors and content as a means for better understanding how the publics mobilised. “It offers telling insights into the struggles of decolonisation process as well as exploring the diversity of political sentiment and memories during this contentious period of Hong Kong history.”


Written by Kay Harrison
School/Centre

School of Social Sciences

Researcher

Dr Yao-Tai Li

Pillar

Pillar 9: Strengthen societal resilience, security and cohesion